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Figure 1 - Mask of a boar Tamang - Nepal, Middle Hills, Wood.

Figure 2 - Mask Middle Hills, Wood; Nepal.

Figure 3 - Magar; Middle Hills;
Nepal. Wood, metal and fur.

Figure 4 - Clown's mask, Middle Hills;
Nepal, Wood.

Figure 5 - Middle Hills; Nepal, Wood.

Figure 6 - Mask with crooked nose, Terai,
Nepal, Wood and clay.

Figure 7 - Middle Hills, Nepal; Wood and
fur.

Figure 8 - Pagaba Mask; Middle Hills,
Nepal, wood and Metal.

Figure 9 - Magar Mask, Middle Hills;
Nepal, wood.

Figure 10 - Thakali Mask; Western
Nepal, wood.

Figure 11 - Mask of a monkey; Terai,
Nepal.

Figure 12 - Gurung Mask, Middle Hills;
Nepal; wood and white clay.

Figure 13 - Mask of a rakshasa (Demon);
Terai, Nepal, wood.

Figure 14 - Middle Hills, Nepal, Wood.

Figure 15a - Square face, Middle Hills,
Nepal.

Figure 15b - Round face, Middle Hills,
Nepal.
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To focus attention on the so-called 'primitive' or
tribal masks of the Himalayas is to adapt the eye to a completely different
style than is generally expected in the West of Himalayan art. Aesthetic
interest in the objects themselves or astonishment at their shape and their
mysterious beauty provokes questions as to what they mean and how they
originated. Inspiration for the masks often reflects the individual, the
artist being at liberty to express his fantasy. As the execution of tribal
masks was not often subject to canonical rules, the objects are the products of
ingenuous freshness and instinctive expressionism, and they exhibit many
different levels of technical ability. Although some masks can be very
sophisticated, others may have very little embellishment, or are roughly carved
with a few quick strokes, two holes for the eyes, one for the mouth.
Supernatural forces are projected into a mask and the spectator gives it life
and meaning.
It is a mode of expression that reveals
specific characteristics of the original spirit, beliefs and visions of the
people who created the masks, and gives an idea of how Buddhism or Hinduism,
after defeating the shamanic traditions, transformed and even incorporated many
of these rites. The ethnic groups that created the masks have undergone
radical changes; for example, the Thakali of the upper Kali-Gandaki valley in
western Nepal first converted from their shamanic religion to Buddhism, and have
more recently converted to Hinduism. Some of the tribal masks represent
vanished cults and deities that have been swept away by the conversion to
another religion, and several of the masks remain only as mute witnesses to a
dead civilization.
The masks discussed in this article were all
produced in Nepal by the various ethnic groups inhabiting the Terai (the low
plains of the south along the Indian border), the Middle Hills (with the
exclusion of the Kathmandu valley) and the northern Himalayas. Himalayan
tribal masks evoke by their shape, patina and carving their African, Indonesian
or American counterparts. They can be reminiscent of Japanese jomon (cord
pattern) terracotta masks dating from the second millennium BC, and sometimes
they resemble those of Siberian shamans, or of central Indian tribes such as the
Bhugas who wore masks for divination before hunting ceremonies. In these
last two cases, it is possible that there is more than just an aesthetic
similarity, but only patient comparative studies will be able to determine the
depth to which such a comparison can be carried.
In some cases, although the appearance of the
sculpture is archaic, it can nevertheless be a Buddhist or Hindu image from a
remote village or a small temple, such as boar mask from a Buddhist
village (Fig. 1). Even when it was produced by a Buddhist or a Hindu, this
art was in contact with shamanism. It seems that making masks has its
roots in prehistoric times. The wearing of an animal mask or skin could
originally have been used in magic rites for hunting, healing, laying a curse or
killing into Tibetan Buddhist Cham dances. Owing to social, political and
religious changes over the last two centuries, the function of various masks has
altered and evolved so that an old mask has sometimes been given a new meaning.
It is therefore difficult, considering the number of existing ethnic groups, to
ascertain exactly all the original purposes of these masks.
The pacification of demons is practised
frequently in Himalayan communities and without a doubt has taken place since
very ancient times. It was not unusual for a saint or a shaman, the
'medicine-man' of the village, to subdue a local demon and turn it into a
protective deity and subsequently an object of devotion. Sometimes masks
are representations of these demons converted into house or temple spirits.
Even in Buddhist monasteries, images of local divinities or demons who have
acquired a new status were kept near effigies of the Buddhist protectors (Gonpo).
As the aspects of these adopted divinities were copied from the images of local
cults, the style of the masks reflect an archaic origin.
In regard to the shamans (called jhankri in
Nepali) of the diverse ethnic groups, the images of faces that they produce are
usually limited to their ritual wooden daggers (phurbu) or the handles of their
drums (dyangro). The wearing of masks for healing purposes is nowadays
unknown, but in the Himalayas masks may provoke possession by a tutelary deity
and induce trances during which divination is often made. The survival of
a similar custom is still observable in the masked dances of the Newars. A
shaman occupies an important position in society. He is able to exorcise
evil spirits, he knows how to cure, occasionally he presides at funeral rituals,
he worships secret gods or spirits and understands myths generally forgotten by
the common people.
Considering their great number and their
importance in village life as men of knowledge, it would seem evident that
jhankri carved some of the masks presented in this article, but it is difficult
to identify them and to limit their function to purely shamanic use. Many
of the tribal masks belong aesthetically to the same source of inspiration as
the ritual wooden objects used by the jhankri. According to their origin,
masks and shamanic objects may share common features and modes of expression,
but it is still too early in the study of their relationship to verify this or
ascertain its exact nature, especially regarding its distant past.
During great festivals, sumptuous masked dances
are held. They could be popular entertainment or initiation ceremonies as
well as village pantomimes or professional theatrical performances. All
religious groups, Hindu, Buddhist and Bon, include masked performances in their
ritual, which have been perpetuated by the royal courts (of which there were
many before the eighteenth century), the towns, the villages and the religious
communities. Diverse forms of theatre and pantomime were developed to
recount exploits of gods and heroes and to illustrate local legends.
Renowned theatrical troupes that possessed masks and costumes were in demand for
their performances and travelled from village to village. Masked dances
are not solely the preserve of the high castes. For example, a blacksmith
(kami), who belonged to an untouchable caste, sculpted the mask in Figure 2,
which he wore during Durga Dasain, the most important Hindu festival in Nepal
which is consecrated to the goddess Durga. Today, except for the Newars of
the Kathmandu valley, most of the professional performances illustration local
legends have disappeared, and when the villagers organize a theatrical
performance they generally do not use masks.
Village dramas are peculiarly rich in monsters
of all kinds, such as fantastic beings which long teeth, popping eyes,
characters with crooked or strange faces, hideous animals, demons and ogres.
Masks of rakshasas (demons) often have long teeth and generally have expressions
of hatred, anger or the desire to eat human flesh. Demons kill and devour
people, take possession of a person, attack the herds and destroy the crops.
Many masks come in pairs, such as those for
village clowns acting out in pantomime the domestic quarrels of an old man and
his wife (or wives). The theme of a drunken old man beating his wife is
very popular. The clowns are not necessarily playing a role in the main
drama being presented, but provide comic relief in sketches between acts.
Sometimes they take their inspiration from well-known characters from the dramas
performed by professional troupes. The type of mask depicting these
characters can be found in different tribes.
In the Middle Hills, masks that are hung over
the doors of cattle sheds, barns or dwelling places have a protective function;
their hideous demon faces are designed to frighten away bad spirits and to
prevent thunderbolts from falling on the houses. The goddess of the
thunderbolt is a young virgin and these terrifying faces are calculated to scare
her away.
At a person's death a mask with human features,
or portraying a divinity to be placed on the family altar after the mourning
ceremonies, might be made in their memory to give them merit in the next world.
The mountain tribes of the Middle Hills, such
as the Gurung, Magar and Rai, still remember some of their clan legends, but
unfortunately these have not yet been collected and written down. Masks
may be stored in village homes for use once or twice a year, but the development
of mass-media and the policy of cultural uniformity presently in operation in
Nepal reduces the interest in popular theatrical performances. The use of
masks becomes increasingly confined to minor clowning or pantomime and its
important place in the mythic dramas of the mountain peoples and its function in
the initiation of the young is disappearing.
The Rai, who inhabit eastern Nepal, speak
nearly twenty different dialects, and are a branch of the Kirant, the original
population of the eastern Himalayas. Knowledge of their legends is
perpetuated by the songs of the priests and shamans, and until very recently
their tribal religion and beliefs were relatively safe from outside influence.
Among the Rai people of the Arun valley, weddings are a rare occasion when
Himalayan women can be seen wearing masks, since female characters, with or
without masks, are generally played by men. During Jantijanu, one of the
wedding ceremonies, girls perform a Ratauli dance, where obscenity is allowed
under the cover of a disguise. One or several girls are allowed to hide
their faces under the family 'joker' mask and to play the legend of marital duty
which, according to Om Bahadur Rai from Shankhuwa-Shava in eastern Nepal, is as
follows:
In the old days of satya yuga, there lived a
man who had married his three young sons to three young girls of the village.
But trade obliged the three bridegrooms and their father to travel abroad for
many years. The wives languished at home. When they returned from
their long journey, the husbands had grown old. In order to check their
wives' fidelity they knocked at their own doors with masks on their faces,
dancing, singing and playing the madal (small drum). They offered them
gifts and asked for shelter. The wives did not recognize their husbands,
but did not forget their duty and refused to give them shelter. Later on
the youngest one recognized her husband's voice. They all hugged each
other and could finally perform their duty! Since then Rai people have
been carving masks for women to wear at weddings.
The recent enthusiasm for festivals of Hindu
origin may indicate the old taste of the Rai for masked performances.
During Tihar, a very bright and happy festival that is also called 'the five
days of Yama (the god of death)', when the worship of Sarasvati and Krishna has
been completed, masked dances generally take place. The boys disguised as
girls are called maruni and the clowns pagaba (Fig.8). Maruni is a
classical dance-drama that takes its name from the main female character of the
play. Dances are accompanied by madal, flutes and cymbals. A chorus
follows the procession, narrating the action of the dramas in long ballads.
Offerings of food, coins and small gifts are given by the spectators to the
participants.
In the same manner, in many valleys of the
Middle Hills, masked clowns jump in the streets during Tihar. The first
day of the festival is consecrated to the worship of the crow, which is the
messenger of Yama, and is considered a bad omen, as in the West. The
second day is dedicated to worshipping the dog, the ally of Yama and the vehicle
of Bhairava, a wrathful manifestation of Shiva. The dog, who guards the
doors to the kingdom of death, can be a helpful companion in the other world if
properly propitiated. On the following evening, every house lights lamps
in honour of Laxmi, the goddess of prosperity who flies on the back of her owl
to watch over the faithful and grant them wealth during the coming year.
This same evening and the following day, groups
of women and children go from house to house to sing and beg for a few coins and
a handful of rice. It is an opportunity for enjoyment and drink.
Clowns with comic masks jump in the village streets and dance, tell jokes and
play the fool. People improvise small plays and it is a time to remember
the old legends.
The quality of the plays, the beauty of the
costumes and the preservation of the masks depends upon where the masquerade
takes place. Prosperous villages and families may keep masks for as long
as several centuries. In most cases, masks are considered an auspicious
emblem with protective properties, particularly when sanctified by frequent use,
thus becoming both a symbolic witness to the past and to the continuity of the
tradition. Wearing a mask is not merely a ritual or a commemorative
gesture, it is an act intended to evoke the power that generates prosperity and
fertility. Dances are often performed at night, as the trembling light of
butter lamps creates illusory forms, accentuates grins and grimaces, and gives
life to the inanimate matter of the masks.
The West Magar (Kham Magar) are spread all over
the Middle Hills, from the Mahabharat hills to the high valley of the Himalayas.
This Mongoloid ethnic group settled in this area even before the Gurung and
Tamang. They have preserved until very recently their tribal traditions.
They bury their dead in a mat containing food, in the form of wheat, for the
other world. Shamanic practices are still alive among the Magar, and they
accompany souls to the underworlds of disease and death. According to
Magar beliefs, the individual has three souls. Observation of the Magar
shaman's ritual objects unveils a fascinating world of gods and spirits, but
there is very little knowledge about the relation between the shamans and the
masks.
Some of the masks of the West Magar represent
demons and clowns. The mask in Figure 9 depicts a yogi or saddhu, a
wandering holy man identifiable by a stylized top knot of matted hair. The
yogi is an almost universal character in the Himalayas, found among the southern
tribes of the Terai and even among the Buddhists of the high valleys of the
north. Both a target of mockery and someone to fear, the supposed wisdom
of the yogi is often seen as a dreadful power by ordinary people, but his
asceticism, or rather this begging, is a point of ridicule. Although this
author has not verified this to be the case among the Magar, the yogi is usually
represented in the Himalayas by a masked actor carrying a trident and a begging
bowl and has merely to make his entry for the audience to begin laughing.
Other characters make fun of him because of his top knot, his clothes or because
he does not eat meat or drink alcohol.
The fine carving of Figure 9 suggests that a
highly elaborate tradition of mask-making was developed by the Magar, and the
shiny black patina is evidence of the mask's antiquity. The patina of this
mask may indicate it was kept in a private house, rather than in a local temple,
as it has been blackened by many years of exposure to smoke from a hearth.
Other features of Magar masks are the use of metal or bone for the teeth and a
sophisticated system of wooden pins for fixing the hair.
The Thakali dedicate to the ancestors of their
clans a festival intended to keep away malevolent spirits. Masks of
ancestors with realistic human features, made of wood coated in white clay, are
taken out for memorial ceremonies and placed on the altar during rituals and
dances (Fig. 10). The celebration makes use of disguise, notably in the
form of a yak, which is one of the Thakali gods. After the
salutations to the ancestor's temple, the ceremony involves the use of ritual
puppets depicting religious men and birds. This is followed by a clown and
a sword dance to exorcise malevolent powers.
The religious system of the Thakali is
syncretic, being a fusion of shamanic, Tibetan Buddhist and, more recently,
Hindu beliefs. The Thakali are divided into four clans that venerate four
animal-faced gods. At the annual festival, these deities are represented
by special models of wood or bamboo with an animal-faced mask as the head, and
are carried in a procession through the streets. The masks, which are of
high importance to the ceremonies, are preserved in the temples. The red
elephant-faced fire god is a male deity who reigns over the kingdom of the east;
is the oldest of the four deities and controls the power of evil. The
green goddess of water , with the face of a makara (mythical aquatic creature),
is the elder of the female divinities and reigns over the kingdom of the south.
The white goddess of the earth is queen of the west. With the face of a
snow lion, she has control over clouds and mountains. The black god
resembles the yak, and is the deity of the air and the wind. He grants
prosperity, through the salt trade, and also fertility. Throughout the
Himalayas, the yak is a symbol of prosperity, and for the Thakali it is also an
auspicious sign if during the procession the model of the yak comes to knock on
one's door with its horns.
In the past, the Nepalese Terai, in the south
of the Himalayas, was an impenetrable jungle that was practically isolated from
the rest of the country. This area is inhabited by various ethnic groups
among which are the Tharu, Dhimal, Rajbansi and Satar. The ancestor cults
of these groups have been progressively annihilated by the increasing influence
of Hinduism, which has developed and even imported its own ritual and
iconography. Most of the traditional dances, both masked or otherwise,
have been replaced by rites and dances celebrating the Hindu epics, the
Mahabharata and the Ramayana, as evidenced by a monkey mask made by the Rajbansi
for the Ram-lila dances, which dramatize episodes from the Ramayana (Fig. 11).
However, many of the plots are set in this particular area of the Himalayas.
Most tribal legends, even before 'Hinduization', referred to the Ramayana and
the Mahabharata, and references to Krishna were numerous in masked dances.
Items from the Terai, although sometimes
obviously ancient, do not have the shiny black patina found so frequently on
examples from the Middle Hills and high plateaus, because in this low tropical
region masks would often be stored in an isolated place in the house, or the
family or village temple, and thus were not exposed to smoke. Previously,
festivals that required the use of masks took place one or more times a year.
This later became once every three or four years, and nowadays such celebrations
have practically disappeared. These festivals had several purposes
including the recollection and commemoration of the exploits of the ancestors
and clan heroes, propitiation of fertility deities, divination and prediction,
for rites of spirit possession cults and for celebrating weddings.
Apart from traditional mythical themes, there
are short plays and local stories, which are mainly intended to be humorous.
When they are performed now, they are generally played without masks--at best
the dancers apply make-up. These local tales often may provide an idea of
the plots of many of the ancient village dramas. Among the comic
characters to be found almost everywhere in the Middle Hills and the Terai is
the latha, the mute who is an object of both mockery and fear (Fig. 12).
This character is the simpleton par excellence; the joker who has the power to
cast a spell. A mother frequently thinks her child is ill because of an
encounter with a deaf-mute. In the short plays of rural areas, such a
character may have the role of exorcist as well as that of releasing the
audience's frustrations through laughter. Old couples are also frequent
characters in such plays or pantomimes; buffalo-owning couples who quarrel and
drunken husbands who beat their wives are caricatures of miserliness,
foolishness and stupidity.
Tigers, feared by everyone in the jungle, were
also frequently represented in theatre masks, as well as the equally frightening
rakshasas, which can be either local demons or derived from Hindu mythology
(Fig. 13). Today, local legends still tell of the misadventures of
villagers with ferocious animals such as bears or tigers. The plot starts
with the vain efforts of a drunken peasant to lead his buffalo home and his
clowning provokes immediate laughter. Then comes the frightening moment of
the meeting with the monster. The story reaches a dramatic phase; tigers,
bears and demons do not always have a sense of humour. But the fun finally
reappears. The peoples of the Terai like to laugh. Although it
usually takes a remarkably long time for a simple story to be resolved, the
spectator derives particular pleasure from interminable digressions. As in
the fables of the Panchatantra, the oldest Sanskrit book of tales, the
denouement delivers the moral of the story.
The wearing of masks was also often associated
with licentiousness. Many legends deal with temptation, attraction and
sexual union in their shameful aspects. There exist some stories about
Krishna and the gopis (milkmaids), weddings, and the role of buffoons whose
allusions and gestures are obscene. Phalluses were exposed during dances,
and masked clowns interrupted the monotony of a dance with lewd jokes. A
mask used in this way is the face with a penis-shaped nose in Figure 14, which
comes from the Middle Hills but is related in its sentiment to some Terai masks.
These masks are intended to conceal and allow the expression of otherwise
inhibited tendencies, of what is usually prohibited or of what cannot be said or
shown openly.
The most numerous ethnic group in the Terai is
that of the Tharu, with a current population of more than four hundred thousand.
Their origin is obscure since despite some Mongoloid features, their linguistic
components have similarities with those of the tribes of central or eastern
India. The Tharu live along the strip of plains that lie to the south of
the Middle Hills. Their customs are extremely varied from community to
community, and their social organization is often limited to the borders of a
village, without any real unity or relationship with the ethnic group as a
whole. During celebrations and weddings, women are allowed to play drums
and dance, while men drink jugs of beer and rice brandy.
The Tharu practised ritual dances and plays
where masked actors presented the legends and myths of the clan, but the tribe
has now converted to Hinduism, Islam and Sikhism. According to the
practices of their shamanic religion, the outskirts of the villages were
protected by carved wooden statures and fences of matting, and earth fertility
deities were worshipped twice a year, in winter and summer. Each house
had, in its eastern corner, a private temple dedicated to lineage deities.
Some clans would perform dances around a mask lying on a small triangular altar,
which were intended to propitiate fertility deities.
Although most of the gods, demons and clowns
depicted in tribal Himalayan masks have been totally forgotten, some of them
have found a place in more recent theatrical performances and dances.
Mythical characters and jokers can take different forms and roles. Village
art, which is freely expressed, gives way to a great extent to the power of
fantasy (Fig. 15).
In those ethnic groups where masked dances
still survive, they are eagerly awaited as important opportunities for communal
activity and enjoyment. The masked performances have the function of
maintaining cultural unity; making fun of the beliefs and the life style of
others is often a way of defending one's own beliefs and customs. In
addition, it seems to be easier for the spectator to understand the moral of a
tale when it is presented in a comic way. These performances, even the
comedies, are like popular books making available knowledge and understanding of
the moral laws of the ancients.
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